During the early years of martial law, particularly from 1973 to 1976, the country was visited by a number of high-ranking dignitaries from the region. To name a few, Gough Whitlam from Australia, Michael Somare from Papua New Guinea, Kukrit Pramoj from Thailand, and Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. Some came from more distant lands, like Sirimavo Bandaranaike from Sri Lanka, and Nicolae Ceausescu of Romania. Perhaps it was a well-orchestrated PR offensive designed to show the outside world how martial law was being carried out and implemented in the Philippines.
On those occasions, I was assigned as the aide-de-camp to the visiting heads of government, and this provided me with a ringside seat at most of the functions that were organized for them. I was not involved in the discussions that took place, but the assignment provided me with a close and unparalleled view of how some leaders conducted themselves in their private moments, away from the prying eyes of media.
Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore visited the Philippines in January 1974. His Singapore Airlines flight was met by a number of Philippine Air Force fighter jets as it entered Philippine airspace. At that time there were no serious problems with Singapore, trade was minimal and the visit was more of the getting-to-know-you variety. Perhaps it was also an opportunity to test the golfing skills of the two leaders who were both keen golfers. At the Mansion House in Baguio City, the prime minister was a bit early for the scheduled golf meet, and so we took a short walk around. I noticed his keen interest in the flowers and plants that made the surroundings explode in lovely colors and greenery. He asked if I had finished at the military academy nearby, and if I had been to Singapore. But I sensed that his main concern was the presence of threatening clouds hovering close by. I assured him that January was the best golfing month in Baguio.
There was no doubt that you were in the presence of a leader. His steely eyes were focused on you as he spoke with clarity and a sense of authority. Those brief moments were all I had with him.
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During the last few days, if you had the opportunity to visit Channel News Asia on your cable TV sets, you would have seen how the people of Singapore mourned the death of their country’s founding father, Lee Kuan Yew. As of yesterday, close to half-a-million Singaporeans paid their respects by visiting his remains lying in state at Parliament House. Many more laid flowers and greeting cards at several community sites located all over the island. Waiting time for those who were queuing up at Parliament House came up to from eight to 10 hours. By Saturday night so many more had to be turned away due to preparations for the Sunday ceremonies.
India declared a national day of mourning with Indian flags ordered flown at half-staff throughout the country.
Tributes poured in from leaders all over the world. But none was more touching than the one from a young boy perhaps of grade school age, who laid his card in front of Lee’s picture at one of the community centers. The card read: “Dear Mr. Lee, I am proud to be Singaporean. Thank you for everything.”
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Lee’s views on some of the continuing issues of the day (from a collection of interviews by Graham Allison and Robert Blackwill with Ali Wayne):
What is the role of the leader?
“It is the duty of leaders to instill confidence in the people so that they will stand up to be counted. No army however brave, can win when its generals are weak. . . Your job as a leader is to inspire and to galvanize, not to share your distraught thoughts. You make your people dispirited if you do so. The test of leadership lies not merely in echoing fears and doubts, especially when these fears and doubts, however real, are capable of solution and being rendered irrational and unfounded. We cannot afford to passively let things drift. We have to take the lead in public thinking. After having drawn attention to the interests of our communities that require special protection, we must formulate solutions which will safeguard those interests and advance the common good.
“A nation is great not by its size alone. It is the will, the cohesion, the stamina, the discipline of its people, and the quality of their leaders which ensure it an honorable place in history.”
How responsive should a leader be to popular opinion?
“I learned to ignore criticism and advice from experts and quasi-experts, especially academics in the social and political sciences. They have pet theories on how a society should develop to approximate their ideal, especially how poverty should be reduced and welfare extended. I always try to be correct, not politically correct.
“What the western world does not understand is that at the end of the day, I am not worried by how they judge me. I am worried by how the people I have governed judged me.
“My idea of popular government is that you do not have to be popular at all, all the time when you are governing. There are moments when you have to be thoroughly unpopular. But at the end of your term, you should have brought about sufficient benefits so the people realize that what you did was necessary and will vote for you again. That is the basis on which I have governed. If you want to be popular all the time, you will misgovern.”
What are the risks of democracy?
“One person, one vote is a most difficult form of government. From time to time, the results can be erratic. People are sometimes fickle. They get bored with stable, steady improvements in life and in a reckless moment, they vote for a change, for change’s sake. . . . I am not intellectually convinced that one person, one vote is the best form of government. We practice it because that is what the British bequeathed us but I am convinced personally that we would have a better system if we gave every person over the age of forty who has a family, two votes because he or she is likely to be more careful voting also for his children. At the same time, once a person gets beyond 65, then it is a problem. Between the ages of 40 and 60 is ideal, and at 60, they should go back to one vote. But that will be difficult to arrange.
“One person, one vote on the basis of the western parliamentary democratic system is workable within certain limitations.”
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His last words: I do not want to be remembered as a statesman. First of all, I do not classify myself as a statesman. I put myself down as determined, consistent, persistent. I set out to do something. I keep on chasing it until it succeeds. Anybody who thinks he is a statesman needs to see a psychiatrist.