Self-applied muzzles

DID WE in media adequately report the extent of plunder by Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan’s office within the Autonomus Region in Muslim Mindanao? The key word is “adequately.”

Hard-nosed reporters probe beneath the superficial. Inquirer ran a series by Fernando del Mundo on thousands of ordinary farmers conned by the coconut levy scam. Journalist Marites Vitug scrutinized Supreme Court flip-flops. The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism documented vote-rigging in Maguindanao.

Beijing commissars, in contrast, dismantled the respected China Economic Times’ investigative reporting team. No such gag can be imposed here. Not since People Power toppled the Marcos dictatorship.

But what about self-applied muzzles? Did papers and stations just rehash the page-and-a-half press release on a 125-page Commission on Audit report on ARMM government looting? This release cited the misallocation of P2.5 billion and the lack of public bidding for P650.9 million in projects.

The rewrites were accurate. But “we are not megaphones or stamp pads,” the late publisher Joaquin “Chino” Roces cautioned. “Our reports must provide context and significance. These are essential, if citizens are to make informed decisions in a free society.”

Troll the excerpts culled from the COA report below. They may help gauge if press release rewrites were “adequate.”

Over 21 months, Ampatuan’s office funneled P14.6 billion in national government cash allocations to 25 line agencies. It spent P2.5 billion for operations.

Transactions worth P1.003 billion were “spurious.” Instead of checks, as required by rules, cash totaling P866.5 million was advanced.  “These were granted without specific purpose.” Doles varied from P5.5 million to P15.1 million.

“Highly improbable daily cash payments, ranging from P7.0 million to as high as P13.4 million, were made to purported payees from Cotabato City, Zamboanga City and Metro Manila.”

No public bidding was called. Instead, three price quotations from suppliers without any address were stapled to purchase orders. “The existence of participating suppliers could not be verified,” the COA said. Few had documents “to establish their necessity and legitimacy” and  most were “paid in cash out of advances of Mr. Patadon, special disbursing officer.”

About 95 percent of Special Purpose Fund (P153.4 million) was diverted to relief goods, medicines, catering services, etc. Transactions were not fully documented.

In eight months of 2009, the office of the governor spent  P29.2 million to maintain a plush Manila liaison office. Located in an exclusive village, it was staffed by 45 employees. “Extraordinary high expenses” were bloated  by “unauthorized, uncontrolled and questionable traveling and meal expenses.”

Travel bills by a footloose staff  inflated  claims by P5.9 million, way above the “allowable expenses” cap. Trip claims were of overlapping duration. Receipts and invoices submitted were bogus and P740,000 in current claims  were fictitious. About P1.3 million remains unliquidated.

Thirteen suppliers denied transacting business with Ampatuan’s office. Yet, they were paid P393.8 million in 853 transactions. The whole process—from purchase, distribution and receipt of procured items—had skimpy documentation.

Forty-seven supposed suppliers didn’t answer the COA’s inquiries. Ten suppliers were not licensed. Capitalization and gross receipts were “way below their reported transactions” with the office of the governor. Ocular inspection revealed five had the same address—“a mere residential house.”

Had enough? Wait, there’s more. “Receipts bearing the same numbers were issued on different dates for varying amounts. Receipts bearing higher numbers were issued earlier than those bearing lower numbers. Serial numbers of receipts, issued by purported suppliers were consecutive.” The office of the governor was their only client for long stretches of time.

In 72 disbursements, the office paid P261.6 million for “debts” without COA certification that such obligations were valid. In one day, 117 checks were released by the office.

Among 16 creditors, 14 did not exist at the time of alleged transactions. “Officials’ signatures appeared to be computer scanned. No documents prove that goods and services were received.”

ARMM officials, from director Khem Inok to financial and budget management services director Batolacongan Abdullah, repeatedly asked for time to comment. Thus, the COA moved the Feb. 24 deadline to March 12.

Three days after the new deadline lapsed, the ARMM haggled for another two months. No, COA replied, the ARMM had “already been given ample time.” Just appeal audit findings to the commission proper, the ARMM was told.

How does one debunk documented findings of plunder? The sums stolen from the ARMM government make looting of charity funds or fobbing second-hand helicopters as “brand new” (ironically on cops) seem like peanuts.

Grand-scale theft occurred in a region where life expectancy falls below 57 years due to poverty. Compare that to 74 years in La Union. Forty-five out of every 100 of people in the ARMM drink from polluted wells. The comparative figure for Ilocos Sur is four.

All these occurred under Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s watch. When did she know about this plunder? Did she even inquire?  “Hello, Zaldy”?

The task of the press is to hold accountable those responsible for misgovernance. But can we discharge this duty if much reporting still flounders at the level of rehashed press releases? We, too, are accountable.

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Email: juanlmercado@gmail.com