When Filipino students in late-19th-century Spain grew homesick and pined for their loved ones or even the heartwarming taste of adobo or sinigang, they learned to love the land of their birth more. Absence, it is true, does make the heart grow fonder. By the time these Filipinos started to see “Filipinas,” the country of their birth, as the “mother country,” rather than Spain, the seeds of reform, revolution, independence and nation had taken root. Everyone agreed on their love for the Philippines but differed in the way they sought her welfare; thus, personal and ideological differences between Jose Rizal and Marcelo H. del Pilar split the community into Rizalistas and Pilaristas.
Elections were undertaken to choose a leader who could unite everyone, but as we all know from experience, elections actually divide more than unite. From the little-known conflict between Rizal and Plaridel detailed in last week’s columns, we move on to the election that pitted Andres Bonifacio against Emilio Aguinaldo—an election that ended in tragedy: the execution of the Supremo of the Katipunan, and a tainted memory of the president of the First Philippine Republic.
Our story begins in the ruins of the friar estate house in Tejeros, Cavite, with a bronze marker installed by the Philippine Historical Committee in 1941 that reads:
“The Tejeros Convention. A revolutionary assembly was held March 22, 1897, in the building known as the casa-hacienda of Tejeros, that once stood on this site. Presided over by Andres Bonifacio toward the end of the session, the assembly decided to establish a central revolutionary government, and elected Emilio Aguinaldo, President; Mariano Trias, Vice-President; Artemio Ricarte, Captain general; Emiliano Riego de Dios, Director of War; and Andres Bonifacio, Director of the Interior. Certain events arising in the convention caused Bonifacio to bolt its action.”
The vague last sentence should intrigue anyone who reads the marker to the bitter end to ask: What were the “certain events” that led Bonifacio to act the way he did? Textbook history tells us that all was not well, with the Katipunan in Cavite split between the Magdiwang and Magdalo factions. Aguinaldo’s Katipunan name, Magdalo, was taken in honor of St. Mary Magdalene (Maria Magdalena) who was venerated in the church of Kawit where he was baptized. Contrary to popular belief, Bonifacio was not Magdiwang. He was from Tondo, Manila, and, as the Katipunan Supremo, was supposed to be above all factions. But he lodged in the home of the Magdiwang relatives of his wife, Gregoria de Jesus, which sent the wrong signal to some in the Magdalo.
They gathered in Tejeros to discuss a united defense of the province from the enemy. Jacinto Lumbreras (Magdiwang) was presiding when Severino de las Alas made a point of order: Before discussing military matters, shouldn’t they reorganize the revolutionary government first? Lumbreras and Bonifacio replied that they already had a government in the Katipunan. Then, Antonio Montenegro (Magdalo) seconded the De las Alas motion, adding that without a central government acceptable to all, they were nothing more than bandits (tulisan) or beasts without reason (mga hayop na walang katuwiran). Stung by Montenegro’s remark, Santiago Alvarez (Apoy) responded in equally insulting tone and language. Tempers flared and the session was suspended so the hotheads could cool off. When the meeting resumed, Lumbreras stepped down as presiding officer, reminding the body that the agenda was defensive strategy, not the establishment of a new government.
Bonifacio took over and agreed to what we would call today a “snap election.” Before presiding over the election, he laid down the rules: first, that the will of the majority is to be obeyed, and second, that all those elected will be respected regardless of their social status. These rules were enthusiastically accepted and slips of paper to serve as ballots were distributed. Aguinaldo was away defending a position in Imus from the march of the enemy, yet he was elected president. That must have been a surprise to the Supremo, whose disappointment was soothed by a motion to dispense with ballots for the position of vice president and to elect him to the post because he had garnered the second highest number of votes for the presidency. But no one seconded the motion. The balloting proceeded, with Mariano Trias elected vice president over Bonifacio, De las Alas, and Mariano Alvarez (who is now honored by the Cavite town that bears his name—“GMA” for “General Mariano Alvarez”). Artemio Ricarte was elected captain-general over Santiago Alvarez in a third round of balloting.
Then, to speed things up, ballots were dispensed with and electors stood in designated parts of the room corresponding with the candidate of their choice. Emiliano Riego de Dios was thus elected director of war over Ariston Villanueva, Daniel Tirona and Santiago Alvarez. Bonifacio was elected director of the interior (whatever that was) over Mariano and Pascual Alvarez. But Tirona challenged Bonifacio’s lack of credentials and proposed a Caviteño lawyer, Jose del Rosario, as director of the interior.
Bonifacio had earlier lost the race for president and vice president, and now he was insulted. The Supremo drew his gun but was restrained by Ricarte, who acted as his secretary during the election. He declared the proceedings void and walked out. (Conclusion on Friday)
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