Breakthroughs and displacement
A real breakthrough after decades of negotiations for peace in Mindanao is the joint issuance of a “declaration of principles” by the negotiating panel of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and that of the Philippine government.
Both sides were quick to point out that the list was just “preliminary” and that the final agreement may contain other “key points” that could come up in the course of future negotiations. But this is a good beginning, and it sets aside many thorny issues, “sticking points” that had been holding up consensus in previous sessions.
For starters, it said the parties—actually, only the Philippine government for the MILF has been the principal proponent of the “Bangsamoro” identity—“recognize Bangsamoro identity and the legitimate grievances and claims of the Bangsamoro people.” The statement puts the negotiations on the right footing, past the often fevered rhetoric detailing historical wrongs.
The MILF and the government panels also stated that “the status quo is unacceptable,” with both agreeing to work for the creation of a “new autonomous political entity” to take the place of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Although, from this first step to the conception, creation and implementation of the new political entity, there is quite a distance to bridge, including the possibility of a referendum among the affected population.
This may explain why another provision calls for a “transition period” and the “institution of transitional mechanisms” to work out the kinks leading to the creation of the entity to replace the ARMM.
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MORE substantial agreements follow, specifically on “power-sharing and wealth-sharing” between the national government and the new political entity, which I understand will fall somewhere between the controversial “sub-state” and the ARMM in its present composition. Already on the list are the “matters reserved for the competence” of the national government, including defense, foreign policy, monetary policy, and international trade.
A particular beef of the MILF side has been the limitations put on the fiscal autonomy and economic independence of even an “autonomous region” such as ARMM, which is why one of the agreed points was the power of the new political entity “to create its own sources of revenue, subject to limitations as may be mutually agreed upon,” and to have a just share of the revenues generated through “exploration, development or utilization” of natural resources within the boundaries of the new political entity.
Certain matters, though, both excite and disturb me. One is the provision calling for “strengthening” the Shari’ah courts and expanding their jurisdiction. This has implications on the legal status of non-Muslims living within the boundaries of the Bangsamoro entity, and the interpretation of laws as regard the human rights of women, specifically sexual and reproductive rights. Will women’s voices be solicited and respected in crafting the legal boundaries of the Shari’ah courts?
In the listing of rights beyond the basic rights enjoyed by all citizens of the Republic, though, both parties included the “right of women to meaningful political participation, and protection from all forms of violence.” This is a hopeful sign, and could augur a more equal status for women under the new Bangsamoro entity, which should be a selling point for any agreement forthcoming.
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THIS promising breakthrough in the peace talks is certainly welcome and much-needed, given the terrible impact that decades of fighting and displacement have had on the people of Mindanao.
A study, “Violent Conflicts and Displacement in Central Mindanao: Challenges for Recovery and Development,” reveals that between 2000 and 2010 four in every 10 households in five provinces in Central Mindanao experienced displacement. This comes to a total of nearly 1 million people forced to abandon their homes over the past 12 years. Moreover, one in five families was displaced two or more times, and one in 10 forced to leave their homes up to five times during the same period.
Displacement has resulted in “interrupted” lives, including the loss or interruption of livelihoods that have a serious effect on the economic status of entire communities, and on the health and education status of families as well.
“These concerns do not necessarily end with the return of displaced individuals to their places of origin,” added the study, funded by the World Bank and the United Nations World Food Program (WFP).
“Violent Conflicts and Displacement in Central Mindanao” was based on a survey conducted in late 2010 with 2,759 randomly selected households from a total of 231 barangays in five provinces: Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao in the ARMM, as well as Lanao del Norte, North Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat.
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DISPLACEMENT of families and communities is rooted in violence, whether outbreaks between rebels, bandits and the police and military, or clan conflict or rido. Indeed, the study found that displaced families have been “frequently exposed to violence.”
But it’s not just the “bakwits” (local slang for evacuees) who feel the stresses of displacement. Host families also feel pressure, mostly from additional financial costs, with some of them having to resort to selling goods or assets to provide food and support for the people (usually relatives) they were sheltering.
Of the areas surveyed, Maguindanao accounted for the highest degree of vulnerability, with about 82 percent of all households in the area affected by displacement due not only to violent conflict but also to weather-related disasters.
Tellingly, respondents said the signing of a peace agreement was among the critical interventions necessary to bring an end to their interrupted lives.
