“A picture paints a thousand words.”
That viral photo of Camille Villar posing beside Vice President Sara Duterte—flanked by Villar’s billionaire father Manny Villar and no less than President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s supposed political nemesis—says more than any press release or campaign jingle ever could.
It’s not just a photo-op. It’s a scathing indictment of Rep. Toby Tiangco’s colossal failure as campaign manager of the administration’s 12-man Senate slate, Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas.
For an administration-backed candidate like Villar to seek the blessing of the vice president currently facing impeachment for, among others, allegedly threatening the life of the President himself, is both ironic and insulting. It reeks of desperation. That photo didn’t just cross-party lines—it bulldozed through whatever semblance of political loyalty remains in the Marcos coalition. That Villar, clinging to the 12th spot in the latest Pulse Asia survey, felt compelled to seek an endorsement from Sara Duterte is a bitter pill to swallow.
The March 2025 Pulse Asia survey is a wake-up call for Marcos. It shows Senator Bong Go leading at 61.9%, with Duterte-backed Ronald dela Rosa tying Erwin Tulfo for second-third at 48.7% and 51.1%. Six of the “Magic 12” probable winners are tied to the opposition, riding a wave of sympathy after former President Rodrigo Duterte’s arrest and transfer to The Hague.
This isn’t just a shift in public sentiment; it’s a damning sign of Tiangco’s inability to rally support for Alyansa’s candidates. Marcos trusted him to deliver a winning ticket, but instead, Tiangco’s campaign is faltering, forcing candidates like Villar and others to desperate measures.
Villar’s move is a slap in the face of Marcos and Tiangco, who promised a united, victorious slate. The survey shows Alyansa bets like Pia Cayetano (37.5%) and Ramon Revilla Jr. (36.9%) slipping, while opposition figures surge.
Why is Tiangco failing so spectacularly? Reports suggest he’s distracted, reportedly spending more time in Malacañang than on the campaign trail. Some even whisper he’s eyeing a bigger prize—perhaps a leadership post in Congress or influence over the appropriations committee—while his shepherding of administration candidates’ flounder.
Instead of strategizing, he’s allegedly busy spreading rumors against House rivals. How can Alyansa candidates trust a manager who seems more interested in personal ambition than their success?
It gets worse. Senate President Chiz Escudero, a known Tiangco ally, is openly endorsing opposition candidate Bam Aquino, who surprisingly cracked the Magic 12 at 28.6%, and showbiz figure Willie Revillame, who’s at 35.7%. Escudero’s support for Revillame, who launched his campaign on a private jet alongside Escudero himself, reeks of bad optics.
As campaign manager, Tiangco should rein in such contradictions, reminding allies that endorsing opposition bets undermines the administration. Yet he’s silent, leaving candidates confused and directionless. Is Tiangco even aware that many Alyansa bets are left to fend for themselves, resorting to solo or small-group campaigns without his team’s support?
The clock is ticking. With the May 12, 2025, elections less than a month away, Tiangco’s inaction could hand the Senate to an opposition majority—a disaster for Marcos in this critical midterm referendum.
Alyansa candidates deserve a leader who fights for them, not one distracted by Palace intrigues or personal agendas. Tiangco’s denial of talks with Aquino and Pangilinan’s camp feels hollow when his slate is fracturing under his watch. If he doesn’t shape up, the administration risks a humiliating defeat, and the blame will fall squarely on his shoulders. Marcos trusted Tiangco to deliver. So far, all he’s delivered is disappointment.
Silent electorate
In stark contrast to the vibrant, boisterous energy observed in the 2016 and 2022 elections, the lead-up to the May 12 polls exhibits marked silence from voters. The absence of spirited pro-opposition or pro-administration campaigning speaks volumes about the disconnection many feel towards current candidates. Gone are the days of enthusiastic turnouts at rallies; honking cars with large stickers, political ballers and colorful paraphernalia.
The upcoming senatorial and local elections in May is the nation’s barometer for our changing political currents of popular name-recall , entrenched political families, , meddling religious blocs, foreign interference, social media platforms and sadly, massive buying and selling of votes. But the silence of the electorate is deafening, with large numbers of undecided voters projected in many areas.
The multiple pre-election senatorial surveys are just “pictures” (real or manipulated) taken by pollsters to interpret the country’s electoral mood. It is debatable if one believes them 100 percent or not. We must also factor in our first time use of a new but controversial electoral system, the MIRU from South Korea. Will the results be problem free or chaotic?
In the remaining campaign days, a colossal underground movement of votes will be carried out by the “local political elites” who will carry senatorial candidates in their sample ballots. These are the eighty one (81) provincial governors, two hundred fifty three (253) congressmen and one thousand six hundred thirty four (1,634) mayors. Just to clarify, There are thirty nine (39) unopposed congressmen, twenty (20) unopposed or uncontested provincial governors and two hundred three (203) unopposed mayors. This is a major political block that is capable of turning the tide in any political contest. Also in play are Duterte’s bailiwick Mindanao, and some parts of Visayas against the Administration’s Luzon, National Capital Region, Balance of Luzon and also some parts of Visayas.
Overall, the coming elections is rife with complexity and contradictions. As mentioned earlier, the Alyansa’s national campaign is flawed with internal problems that forces its candidates to move on their own around the country. An issue that must be fixed in the next few weeks. Meanwhile, the opposition has dug deep into hyping up emotions in their social media campaign sans traditional media. Their candidates are also scarce in physical rallies but relies on connection via internet.
Whatever the result on May 12, it will become an inflection point for the entire Philippine political system. Will the voters set either a precedent for transformative change? Will they fall prey to the disillusionment again or signal to uphold the existing political order?
In the end, it will be our collective action, like it or not, that will determine the course forward.