‘Miracles’ on the road to peace
“The road to peace is long and difficult… We will continue to reach out to our brothers and choose the peaceful path and those who do so will merit our unwavering support.”
If these words were uttered by a so-called “peace-monger” or even a spiritual figure, they would not have come as a surprise. But they are the words of Maj. Gen. Emmanuel Bautista, the new Army chief, just weeks after 19 soldiers were killed in an encounter in Al-Barka, Basilan, against forces identified with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and led by a renegade.
But lest his words be construed as a “softening” of the military’s resolve, Bautista added that “for those who insist in using arms to threaten the safety and well-being of our people we will apply legitimate force.”
Bautista’s “preferential option” for peace is also unexpected considering his own personal history which may give him good reason to seek revenge against the Moro rebels. Brig. Gen. Teodulfo Bautista, the Army chief’s father, was killed in 1977, in what has been described as a “massacre” when he and 34 of his officers and men went to Sulu on a peace mission to discuss a possible ceasefire and was instead gunned down by elements of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), of which the MILF is a breakaway faction.
Instead of leaving a legacy of bitterness, though, the older Bautista’s death left what his son called “a legacy to pursue peace.” “He did not see the dawn of peace,” the new Army chief said of his father, “but his son will carry on the torch.”
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These are certainly heartening words, at least for those who believe in pursuing the elusive goal of a just and lasting peace. Of course, words are easy to utter and to forget, especially in the heat of conflict.
But Bautista’s words are entirely of a piece with the declaration Wednesday of peace adviser Ging Deles before a media forum that “peace is a major focus of the Aquino administration,” citing the President’s “firm resolve to end all armed conflicts” within his term. Reading from a passage in the chapter on Peace and Security of the Philippine Development Plan that encompasses the life of the P-Noy administration, Deles said “the peace process (is) the centerpiece—not a by-the-way, not a sideline or side effect, but the centerpiece—of the internal security program.”
Deles also took pains to explain the context within which the controversial fund transfers to rebel groups have been made. Explaining that peace goes beyond peace talks or peace agreements, Deles said it is equally important to address the underlying causes of rebellion or conflict. This is why the Payapa at Masaganang Pamayanan (Pamana, or Peaceful and Bountiful Communities) program was launched. Funding for the program will focus on seven “conflict zones,” addressing “policy and legislative action, delivery of basic services at the community level, and addressing sub-regional challenges.”
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Sitting with Deles at the media forum were the two chairs of the government panels in the peace negotiations with the MILF and the CPP-NPA-NDF.
Lawyer Marvic Leonen, chair of the panel talking with the MILF, stressed that the ceasefire forged with the MILF does not preclude the Philippine government from carrying out legitimate and lawful enforcement of its laws. This was by way of replying to a question on whether government had any intention—or ability—to serve a warrant of arrest against Commander Asnawi, who was the main target of the military operation in Al-Barka.
Lawyer Alex Padilla, chair of the government panel talking with the communists, expressed frustration at the sidetracked negotiations which should have been concluded next year. But Deles expressed optimism that “people are rooting for a legacy of peace,” especially since individuals on both sides of all the “tables” convened to form or complete peace agreements are getting on in years and “want to see a meaningful conclusion to their struggles.”
Despite the many frustrations and hindrances that stand on the road to peace, Deles waxed optimistic, saying: “On the peace table, miracles are waiting to happen.”
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Together with colleague Malou Mangahas, this columnist met with four Indonesian journalists who, as part of their prize for winning a competition on health journalism, are visiting the country to learn more about the Milk Code.
The four, who were brought to the country by Unicef, are Firdaus Mubarik, Fery Pradolo, Adri Irianto and Tunggul Bayu Aji. All are young men in their 20s, representing TV, print, radio and new media.
Malou and I were supposed to give the Indonesians a background on the evolution of the Milk Code and our experiences as journalists in covering the issues of breastfeeding and the marketing of infant formula. But we couldn’t help but vent our own frustrations at the way milk manufacturers and marketers have managed to “go under, over and around” the provisions of the Milk Code. There was, for one, the tactic of milk marketers of recruiting community health workers to visit young mothers and ply them with samples of formula and promotional materials.
How tragic, indeed, that poor mothers in their aspiration to give their babies only the best, end up endangering their newborns’ health with the improper choice and use of breast milk substitutes.
In Indonesia, the young men told us, they have yet to pass the equivalent of the Milk Code. Milk manufacturers, they said, have likewise resorted to the same aggressive tactics they have employed here, including using an “American Idol”-inspired search for a “star baby” to promote the launching of a baby formula brand.
