Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. shakes hands with French President Emmanuel Macron during their bilateral meeting at the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit in Bangkok. | PHOTO: OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY
As the Philippines seeks to strengthen its diplomatic and defense network in the Indo-Pacific amid tumultuous geopolitical shifts in the region, it is important to recall two key events that took place a few weeks ago.
First, on June 23, the French destroyer Lorraine and its crew arrived in Manila for a port call. At a press conference aboard the ship, Commander of the French Armed Forces in the Asia-Pacific Rear Admiral Geoffroy d’Andigné reiterated France’s commitment in contributing to the stability of the rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific.
Similarly, French Ambassador to the Philippines Michèle Boccoz talked about how Paris and the Manila are proactively engaged in talks to enhance the scope of their bilateral defense and security cooperation.
Second, on June 27, Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Enrique Manalo arrived in New Delhi upon the invitation of Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar.
Both officials discussed their desire to deepen and broaden the scope of burgeoning bilateral security partnership between the two countries.
Following those, a more robust maritime cooperation framework was said to have figured in discussions of both foreign ministers. New Delhi also called for adherence to the 2016 Arbitral Award on the South China Sea and expressed steadfast support for Manila’s military modernization program, reiterating its defense credit offer.
While these events may seem isolated, it is necessary to put them in context, based on emerging trends that continue to shape the geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific region. India and France share a time-tested strategic partnership that continues to evolve and expand based on contemporary international politics.
New Delhi and Paris converge in their shared vision for an inclusive, rules-based, and multipolar Indo-Pacific, while also placing great emphasis on strategic autonomy, rather than rigid bloc politics.
Both democratic Indo-Pacific powers seek to translate their notable and growing material capabilities into proactive collaborative policies with other like-minded countries, like Australia and United Arab Emirates, through area-specific trilateral frameworks that encompass climate change, critical and emerging technologies, maritime security, anti-terrorism, countering disinformation, supply chain resilience, and cybersecurity.
Thus, at a time when the Philippines continues to cement its centrality in the region’s security architecture by strengthening strategic ties with its traditional ally and partners through bilateral and mini-lateral arrangements, it will be beneficial for Manila to consider exploring a more dynamic calculation for its strategic partnerships in the region. In fact, on June 7, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. noted how the Philippines must also deepen security and economic relations with non-traditional partners.
It is in this context that the value of a more active engagement with India and France must be underscored.
With an 11 percent share of global defense exports, France has been vastly expanding its defense sales. In this light, Paris is also in talks with Manila for a possible submarine deal.
Similarly, India has also been exerting efforts to boost its arms export industry through affordable, but equally formidable equipment.
In fact, the Philippines was the first Indo-Pacific country to purchase the BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles, which were co-developed by India and Russia.
Given the deepening convergence of interests between India and France to play a larger role as security providers in the Indo-Pacific, the potential remains high for both powers to collaborate on defense manufacturing and sales.
On July 2, it was reported by the Hindustan Times newspaper that Paris has given the go signal to France’s major defense company Safran to jointly design, develop, manufacture and certify an engine, which will power India’s advanced multi-role combat aircraft (AMCA) and the twin engine deck-based fighter for Indian aircraft carriers.
The report said there will be a full transfer of technology and the proposed engine will be made in India. If this eventually takes off, the collaboration between India and France in joint defense manufacturing can benefit Manila’s desire to pragmatically diversify its arms procurements through a framework similar to the Australia-United Kingdom-US (AUKUS) trilateral.
The AUKUS largely centers on the commitment of the US and the UK to support Australia’s desire to strengthen its defense capacity in the region.
Hence, through the combination of British design and American technology, AUKUS will serve as the avenue for Australia’s acquisition of conventionally armed nuclear-powered submarines.
In a similar sense, the joint aircraft engine development initiative between India and France can widen Manila’s options for the procurement of critical military equipment such as AMCAs at a potentially more affordable rate.
Further, New Delhi and Paris may look at other forms of joint production to facilitate the security needs of the Philippines and other like-minded regional countries.
Such an undertaking will be of mutual benefit to all parties given that this will not only allow both India and France to demonstrate their commitment in playing a larger role as responsible security providers in the region but also offer regional countries more strategic options to pursue their national and security interests amid the increasingly polarizing dynamics of the Indo-Pacific.
India and France possess significant material capabilities and are willing to widen the scope of their diplomatic outreach to collectively address a plethora of traditional and non-traditional security issues in the region.
Moreover, solidifying ties with India and France will also strengthen the Philippines’ position in the Indo-Pacific amid strategic shifts brought by escalating competition between the US and China.
An area-specific cooperation arrangement between India, France, and the Philippines will not only complement existing security relationships Manila has but will also serve as an alternative strategic buffer when pressures of power dynamics between Washington and Beijing eventually limits Philippine security options.
While both sides are aware of the negative implications of Chinese belligerence in the Indo-Pacific, New Delhi and Paris have demonstrated commitment to sustainable and effective cooperation without pushing countries to pick sides vis-a-vis structural forces.
Therefore, given the flexibility and potential surrounding the desire of India and France to engage more actively in the Indo-Pacific, Manila must consider strengthening its coordination with these countries as well.
(Don McLain Gill is a Manila-based geopolitical analyst, author, and lecturer at the Department of International Studies, De La Salle University)