Lessons from the Cavite mutiny

The campaign rally of Vice President Leni Robredo and Sen. Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan in General Trias, Cavite, last March 4 was a typical political sortie until a huge crowd of 47,000 came and drew snide comments from their political opponents.

A week earlier, Cavite Governor Juanito “Jonvic” Remulla, a supporter of the Marcos Jr.-Duterte tandem, promised during the UniTeam rally to deliver 800,000 votes from Cavite come election time. After the Leni-Kiko rally, Rep. Jesus “Boying” Remulla, perhaps surprised at such a big turnout from their bailiwick, commented that the rallyists were paid P500 and that they were trained by the National Democratic Front (NDF). Sen. Panfilo Lacson, a presidential aspirant who also hails from Cavite, weighed in with a warning on communist infiltration.

The responses were swift and forceful. The Caviteños came in droves wearing t-shirts printed with “800K-1=10” to convey the message that no one, not even their governor, has the right to appropriate one’s vote. No. 10 is Robredo’s number on the ballot.

Taking umbrage at the accusation that attendance was bought, people noted that on the contrary, they even spent personal money as their contribution to promote good governance. They used social media to register their anger so that #BoyingSinungaling trended on social media.

Netizens also deplored Lacson’s warning as “Red-tagging” and “fear-mongering” to dampen the energy of the Robredo-Pangilinan people’s campaign.

The opposing versions of the contending camps in situ bring to mind the historic Cavite Mutiny. On Jan. 20, 1872, about 200 soldiers, laborers, and residents of Cavite rose in arms, assassinated the Spanish commanding officer of Fort San Felipe, and took control of the military fortress. The Spanish forces suppressed the mutiny after two days. The Cavite Mutiny and the Gomburza execution, a tragic fallout from the conspiracy allegation, were historic events that ignited the nationalist movement, which climaxed in the Philippine Revolution in 1896.

It is interesting to take note of two issues. First, the use of information or disinformation to advance a cause. Secondly, “rebel-tagging” was already a practice in Philippine politics 150 years ago.

While the Leni-Kiko people’s rallies have already been drawing big crowds, the General Trias incident appears to have fired up their supporters to organize even bigger rallies. The people’s rally in Malolos City last March 7 registered 45,000 participants, while the Bacolod City assembly on March 11 logged 70,000. The highest so far was in Pasig last Sunday with 137,000. The crowd’s constant chanting of “Hindi kami bayad!” betrays a resentment or “hugot” from the attendance-for-sale accusation. Have the Remullas and Lacson unwittingly added fuel to the surging “Kakampink” movement nationwide?

TOMAS C. VARGAS
[email protected]