By Vicente L. Rafael
Nearly 30 years after Edsa, there is as yet no authoritative history of the Marcos years, just as a critical history of their demise has yet to be written. In the meantime, it might be worth asking: What was Edsa? What made it such a singular event?
By Conrado de Quiros
That was an interesting letter Joker Arroyo wrote P-Noy on the eve of the 28th anniversary of Edsa. Joker has a complaint, and that is the appointment of police general Lina Castillo Sarmiento as chair of the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board.
The Inquirer’s series on the Edsa People Power revolution, whose 28th anniversary we mark today, helps deepen our understanding of those four
pivotal days in history.
The Samahan ng Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (Selda) announces the formation of the People’s Claim Board, in protest of President Aquino’s appointment of a retired police director, Lina Sarmiento, to the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board (HRVCB), a week before the law that creates it, the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013 or Republic Act No. 10368, turns one year old.
By Randy David
In the months following the overthrow of the Marcos regime in February 1986, Filipinos greeted the air of freedom with a euphoric sigh of relief. The word “miracle” was on everybody’s lips. This was a way of making sense of a series of events that could have easily taken a different turn—what sociologists call a “formula for contingency.”
By Rina Jimenez-David
I first encountered the now retired police general Lina Sarmiento when she represented the Philippine National Police in a forum on women and peace.
Nothing personal, but does Lina Castillo Sarmiento “have a deep and thorough understanding and knowledge of human rights and involvement in efforts against human rights violations” committed during the Marcos regime?
By Oscar Franklin Tan
It is unconscionable how Filipinos can treat martial law so lightly less than a generation after the Marcos dictatorship and barely three years after the Arroyo administration. It is alarming how the Aquino administration took several days to respond that it is unconstitutional to declare martial law after a calamity, even one as devastating as Supertyphoon “Yolanda.”
Decades after the Marcos dictatorship, the Philippines continues to face the grim reality of political prisoners. Whether under the fascist Marcos dictatorship or “democratic” administrations after him, the rights of political prisoners are repeatedly violated as they are slapped with fabricated charges, arbitrarily arrested and illegally detained. Many of them are tortured and denied their right to counsel and due process. They suffer through subhuman prison conditions, prolonged imprisonment and intentionally slowed-down judicial process.
By Artemio V. Panganiban
Interesting, challenging and at times intriguing were the readers’ replies to the query I posed last Sunday on whether our present justice system reflects the Filipino concept of justice articulated by Dean Jose Manuel I. Diokno. These replies were posted on this paper’s website (www.inquirer.net). More numerous and many from abroad were those e-mailed directly to me. They could fill up several columns. For all these, I am grateful.
This year’s commemoration—the 41st—of declaration of martial law should prod the Filipino people not only to purge the budget system of the pork barrel fund, but also of all its “Marcosian features,” features that hinder democracy and distort the “executive-legislative balance” in the management of the people’s resources.
We condemn the Aquino administration and its Philippine National Police for their various attempts to sabotage the Abolish Pork “Edsa Tayo” protest last Sept. 11.