Reveille
Done deal or no deal, still a rotten deal
By Ramon J. Farolan
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 01:08:00 08/11/2008
MANILA, Philippines - Just in case some senators are interested, last Wednesday was the birthday of one of their colleagues. Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV marked his 37th birthday, with family and close friends—his fifth in detention. When will the Oakwood mutineers’ ordeal come to an end? They have already paid a heavy price. Others who have committed greater crimes have not even been charged, or are out on bail.
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Twelve years ago in glittering ceremonies suggestive of a Nobel Peace Prize function, representatives of the Philippine government, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), gathered at Malacañang Palace to sign a formal Peace Agreement touted as the deal that would bring about peace in the region. The signatories for the Philippines and the MNLF were Ambassador Manuel Yan, chairman of the GRP peace panel, and Prof. Nur Misuari, chairman of the MNLF peace panel, respectively. Also signing as witnesses to the treaty were Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, head of the OIC Ministerial Committee of Six, and Dr. Hamid Al-Gabid, secretary general of the OIC.
Five years later, on Nov. 19, 2001, Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) Governor Misuari declared war on the Philippine government, with MNLF guerrillas attacking AFP units in Jolo, leaving some 100 people dead and scores of civilians wounded and homeless. There is little to show for the P43 billion in government funds which were poured into the region for development projects. The ARMM remains one of the country’s most impoverished areas, with much of the disbursement unaccounted for. Misuari, charged with rebellion, has been out on bail.
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Last week, the nation was taken by surprise with the announcement that a Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) was about to be signed in Kuala Lumpur by representatives of the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). For those who may be a bit confused as to the emergence of another Moro grouping, some explanation is necessary.
The MILF was originally part of the MNLF. In 1981, under the leadership of Hashim Salamat, a learned Islamic scholar heavily influenced by Muslim teachings in Egypt and Pakistan, as well as the thoughts of Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini, the MILF broke away from the MNLF and called for the establishment of an Islamic government in a Bangsamoro homeland. For Hashim Salamat, who passed away five years ago, what was negotiable was the territorial configuration for the Bangsamoro state. What was non-negotiable was the setting up of an Islamic government in Mindanao deeply rooted in Islamic principles and values, and in pursuit of this goal, the MILF refused the government offer of autonomy. Keep this in mind.
If there is anything new in the MOA-AD that was up for signing in Kuala Lumpur last week, it is the term Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE)—a term designed to make things more palatable for those who may feel uneasy with a Bangsamoro Republic. When faced with all kinds of attempts to mislead, people of common sense would say—“if it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, it must be a duck.” The so-called Entity is actually an independent authority in all but name.
The BJE as called for in the draft accord “shall have the authority and jurisdiction over the ancestral domain and ancestral lands including both alienable and non-alienable lands encompassed within their homeland and ancestral history.” Definitions of terms are found in various sections of the MOA-AD. The BJE will also have participation in international meetings and events, e.g., Asean meetings and other specialized agencies of the United Nations—matters that are normally left solely to the central government.
There are other numerous features of the MOA-AD that would test the resolve of any government desirous of maintaining its territorial integrity and upholding national sovereignty.
Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J. says: “Not to worry. It’s just a piece of paper.” Actually a lot of things can be done with a piece of paper signed by representatives of a government and witnessed by no less than its foreign secretary. With this piece of paper the MILF can go to town and claim recognition for Hashim Salamat’s dream of a Bangsamoro homeland. And there are a number of influential and powerful nations around the globe who would only be too willing to give the claim credence. As things now stand, the MILF has said that they have a “done deal,” with Supreme Court action (e.g., TRO) an internal matter for the Philippine government. Following that line of thought, it is also likely that as far as they are concerned, constitutional amendments and a plebiscite are also “internal matters” for the Philippine government to tackle.
But let us assume that the BJE after much debate and consultations is accepted in terms of a constitutional amendment and plebiscite. Do we really believe that the Moros will be satisfied with a juridical entity just as they see their dream of a truly independent Bangsamoro homeland well within their grasp? From the MNLF with its ARMM to the MILF with its BJE, the next step could only be full, unconditional independence with recognition from the community of nations. Make no mistake, a younger generation operating under a different acronym will move in this direction supported by the vast resources that would be made available under the BJE.
The late John F. Kennedy in his famous inaugural speech of Jan. 20, 1961 declared: “Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.”
Have we been negotiating out of fear or out of a lack of confidence in our strength as a nation? One can almost hear loud and angry denials from the government. But for many years, we have slowly allowed MILF forces to control various parts of the region, all in the name of a policy of restraint, in the name of keeping the peace. Camp Abubakar in Maguindanao was for a time a good example of this policy of restraint. The open and flagrant display of weaponry and authority went unchallenged by government, giving the camp the impression of a world of their own. Under these conditions, the Moros who only respect strength, saw restraint as a sign of vacillation and weakness.
Let us continue to negotiate, doing so from a certainty of our strength and resolve. We must prepare our people, not just our soldiers, for the long, hard conflict that surely lies ahead. It will entail much sacrifice and greater fortitude and determination on our part. But choosing the path of least resistance, the path of appeasement, even the path of pandering to the wishes of friends who may have their own agenda on the matter, can only lead to greater bloodshed and the possible dismemberment of our country.
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