Intoxicating power
Not since the Marcos era have we had leaders like the ones we have now, who speak, act, or behave as though there will be no end to their hold on power.
There’s a noticeable disregard for potential liability when new leaders take over the reins of government. This behavior is exhibited not only by top officials but even by policemen and barangay officials. The intoxication with power is mainly perceptible in the administration’s campaign against illegal drugs.
Along with a number of his lieutenants, the President has repeatedly badmouthed critics of the bloody means used in the war on drugs, including the Catholic Church, the United Nations, the European Union, and the United States. He has threatened human rights defenders that they will be in the line of fire if they get in the way of the antidrugs campaign. He has given blanket assurance to all policemen involved in drug operations where the suspects end up dead, that he will defend them with all the resources of the government.
The administration’s pronouncements have emboldened policemen and barangay officials to be gung-ho in the war on drugs. Barangay officials have come up with their list of suspected drug personalities in their localities. There are increasing instances of listed suspects ending up dead notwithstanding their voluntary surrender, and complaints that some of the suspects are included in the list because of personal enmities with barangay officials.
Policemen have been fast on the trigger, with almost 3,000 drug suspects ending up dead in police operations. Close to 6,000 more drug suspects have been murdered in vigilante-style killings; the perpetrators are speculated to be police agents.
Now comes an April 18 Reuters special report on two senior police officers who claim that cops involved in the war on drugs have “received cash payments for executing drug suspects, planted evidence at crime scenes and carried out most of the killings they have long blamed on vigilantes.” One of the two senior officers has allegedly written a 26-page report that provides details on the alleged “methods, masterminds and perpetrators.”
The reliability of the revelations may be debatable at this point, but the fact that two police officers would dare reveal (albeit anonymously) incriminating information at the height of Mr. Duterte’s power should serve as a portent of things to come if the next administration will not stick its neck out for officials who will be called to account for misdeeds in the war on drugs.
There will be a total of 12 vacancies in the Supreme Court during the term of President Duterte. If even just 10 of the justices he appoints will retire before the end of his term—like the two he has appointed so far—he will be able to appoint a fresh batch who can be sympathetic to his predicament many years after he leaves office. In addition, he can appoint a new Ombudsman who can be compassionate to him after Conchita Carpio Morales retires in 2018.
The President may be able to ensure his nonprosecution under Philippine law. But it will be a different ball game if the International Criminal Court will pursue his prosecution, especially if many witnesses with damning exposés will come out after he leaves Malacañang.
As to subordinate officials who engage in acts that result in the unlawful loss of lives, they only have to look at the fates of officials of past administrations who face continuing court prosecution for even less serious misdeeds, as cautionary tales of the woeful future that may await them as well.
The President and his subordinates must not succumb to the intoxication of power and capitulate to the inebriated view that the dregs of society can be sacrificed for the greater good of society.
As one English writer puts it: “Power will intoxicate the best hearts, as wine
the strongest heads. No man is wise enough, nor good enough, to be trusted with unlimited power.”
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